Welcome to DU!
The truly grassroots left-of-center political community where regular people, not algorithms, drive the discussions and set the standards.
Join the community:
Create a free account
Support DU (and get rid of ads!):
Become a Star Member
Latest Breaking News
Editorials & Other Articles
General Discussion
The DU Lounge
All Forums
Issue Forums
Culture Forums
Alliance Forums
Region Forums
Support Forums
Help & Search
Editorials & Other Articles
Showing Original Post only (View all)The Dangerous Appeal of Military Insubordination -- Lawfare [View all]
https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/the-dangerous-appeal-of-military-insubordinationJason Smith
A rebuttal to Parsonss civil-military argument.
Parson's post: A Politically Neutral Military Is Not Always Obedient
In a recent Lawfare article, Graham Parsons argues that political neutrality in the U.S. military may sometimes require officers to resist even lawful orders from elected civilian authorities. He contends that obedience alone is insufficient in a democracythat military officers have a professional and ethical duty to protect civil society from elected leaders who might misuse the military for partisan ends.
While Parsons raises important concerns about the dangers of politicizing the armed forces, his proposed solution is both misguided and dangerous. It asks military officers to step into a constitutional void that neither their oath, their training, nor their institutional role equips them to fill. In attempting to safeguard democratic values, his approach risks undermining the very pillars that uphold them.
The U.S. Is Not Turkeyand Thats the Point
Parsonss theory flirts with a model more familiar to nations such as Turkey, where the military has long claimed a special role as the guardian of secular democracy. That tradition culminated in repeated coups and eventually enabled Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to consolidate power by purging the military of dissenters. This is not a model the U.S. should seek to emulate.
The genius of the U.S. system lies in its rejection of military guardianship. The Constitution vests command authority in the president, not to enable tyranny, but to ensure unity of command and civilian supremacyThe President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States (U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2, Clause 1). Allowing individual officers to second-guess whether a policy clearly threatens civil societyas Parsons puts itwhen the courts and Congress have not objected is an invitation to fragmentation, politicization, and possibly insubordination. This approach would erode the chain of command by substituting personal judgment for lawful authority, effectively empowering individual officers to act as unelected arbiters of constitutional order. Once this precedent is set, the military risks devolving into competing factions, each interpreting policy through its own political or ideological lensprecisely the scenario the framers sought to avoid. President Trumans dismissal of Gen. Douglas MacArthur in 1951 serves as a stark reminder: Even the most celebrated commanders must subordinate their views to civilian authority, lest the military begin to dictate policy rather than execute it.
The genius of the U.S. system lies in its rejection of military guardianship. The Constitution vests command authority in the president, not to enable tyranny, but to ensure unity of command and civilian supremacyThe President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States (U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2, Clause 1). Allowing individual officers to second-guess whether a policy clearly threatens civil societyas Parsons puts itwhen the courts and Congress have not objected is an invitation to fragmentation, politicization, and possibly insubordination. This approach would erode the chain of command by substituting personal judgment for lawful authority, effectively empowering individual officers to act as unelected arbiters of constitutional order. Once this precedent is set, the military risks devolving into competing factions, each interpreting policy through its own political or ideological lensprecisely the scenario the framers sought to avoid. President Trumans dismissal of Gen. Douglas MacArthur in 1951 serves as a stark reminder: Even the most celebrated commanders must subordinate their views to civilian authority, lest the military begin to dictate policy rather than execute it.
. . .
While Parsons raises important concerns about the dangers of politicizing the armed forces, his proposed solution is both misguided and dangerous. It asks military officers to step into a constitutional void that neither their oath, their training, nor their institutional role equips them to fill. In attempting to safeguard democratic values, his approach risks undermining the very pillars that uphold them.
The U.S. Is Not Turkeyand Thats the Point
Parsonss theory flirts with a model more familiar to nations such as Turkey, where the military has long claimed a special role as the guardian of secular democracy. That tradition culminated in repeated coups and eventually enabled Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to consolidate power by purging the military of dissenters. This is not a model the U.S. should seek to emulate.
The genius of the U.S. system lies in its rejection of military guardianship. The Constitution vests command authority in the president, not to enable tyranny, but to ensure unity of command and civilian supremacyThe President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States (U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2, Clause 1). Allowing individual officers to second-guess whether a policy clearly threatens civil societyas Parsons puts itwhen the courts and Congress have not objected is an invitation to fragmentation, politicization, and possibly insubordination. This approach would erode the chain of command by substituting personal judgment for lawful authority, effectively empowering individual officers to act as unelected arbiters of constitutional order. Once this precedent is set, the military risks devolving into competing factions, each interpreting policy through its own political or ideological lensprecisely the scenario the framers sought to avoid. President Trumans dismissal of Gen. Douglas MacArthur in 1951 serves as a stark reminder: Even the most celebrated commanders must subordinate their views to civilian authority, lest the military begin to dictate policy rather than execute it.
The genius of the U.S. system lies in its rejection of military guardianship. The Constitution vests command authority in the president, not to enable tyranny, but to ensure unity of command and civilian supremacyThe President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States (U.S. Constitution, Article II, Section 2, Clause 1). Allowing individual officers to second-guess whether a policy clearly threatens civil societyas Parsons puts itwhen the courts and Congress have not objected is an invitation to fragmentation, politicization, and possibly insubordination. This approach would erode the chain of command by substituting personal judgment for lawful authority, effectively empowering individual officers to act as unelected arbiters of constitutional order. Once this precedent is set, the military risks devolving into competing factions, each interpreting policy through its own political or ideological lensprecisely the scenario the framers sought to avoid. President Trumans dismissal of Gen. Douglas MacArthur in 1951 serves as a stark reminder: Even the most celebrated commanders must subordinate their views to civilian authority, lest the military begin to dictate policy rather than execute it.
. . .
Much more in this interesting and vital discussion.
2 replies
= new reply since forum marked as read
Highlight:
NoneDon't highlight anything
5 newestHighlight 5 most recent replies